The Decision to Drop the Atomic Bomb

Should the United States have dropped the atomic bombs on Japan in August of 1945?

It is August 1, 1945. The United States has been at war with Japan for almost four full years, and is now contemplating the necessity of invading the main island of Japan in order to complete its victory. President Truman has been informed that the top-secret Manhattan Project had successfully built an atomic weapon, potentially capable of destroying an entire city with one detonation. The question before him is weather he ought to do so.

Members of the panel have been asked to convene on to discuss options with the president and with each other. At that time, each of you must submit a 2-3 page policy recommendation, based on “your” experiences and expertise (that of your “character.”) During the panel, each participant will deliver a 3 to 4 minute speech introducing his or her position, and then will engage in an extended dialogue about which position has the best chance of success. (All of this will be “in role.”)

Policy recommendations ought to be carefully argued and thoroughly supported. They ought to demonstrate clear understanding of the political and foreign policy implications of their position, and ought to be consistent with the character and politics of the assigned role. It is expected that students will research their positions using all the resources at their disposal: on-line sources, databases, and the library collection. Papers submitted without footnotes (or endnotes) in the proper format will receive no credit, and may not be re-written.

Roles

James Franck: 

James F. Byrnes: 

Douglas MacArthur:

Winston Churchill: 

Mock Trial: Korematsu v. United States

Does the United States government have the legitimate power to detain people it deems, unilaterally, to threaten national security?

In the early years of the US involvement in the Second World War, the United States government feared an attack on American shores from the Japanese. Although no Japanese-American was ever indicted or convicted of espionage or treason, the American military feared that the presence of this “enemy race” could bring immediate danger to the West Coast, which was within range of Japanese air strikes.

            In February 1942, two months after Pearl Harbor, President Roosevelt issued executive orders, later made law by Congress, authorizing the Secretary of War to designate military areas from which anyone who posed a threat to the US military operations or to national security could be excluded, and creating a branch of the executive responsible for removing and relocating such people. Prior to relocation, people of Japanese descent were subject to a curfew from 8 p.m. to 6 a.m.

            More than 100,000 Japanese-Americans, most of whom were born in the United States, were interned ender these executive orders.

In 1943, in the case of Hirabayashi v. United States, the United States Supreme Court upheld parts of those executive orders.

In 1942, rather than be interned, Fred Korematsu, who was an American born citizen of the United States, moved out of his home town, changed his name, underwent some facial surgery, and claimed to be a Mexican-American. Korematsu had attempted to join the US Army early in 1941, but had been turned down because of poor health, and so went to work in the defense industry.

When he was found in a restricted area (still working in a munitions factory) in

1942,  he was arrested and sentenced to five years in prison. He was then paroled and interned in Arizona.

            Korematsu appealed his conviction in 1943, and the case reached the Supreme Court in 1944.

            Your assignment is to hear Korematsu’s appeal as the Supreme Court of the United States. Rely on your judgement, your knowledge of the Constitution, and the upon the precedent in Hirabayashi.

It is expected that attorneys and witnesses will supplement these basic facts with research on the circumstances surrounding the internment of Japanese-Americans. All outside research must be properly cited, using footnote format. AT LEAST ONE SOURCE CITED HERE MUST BE A BOOK OTHER THAN A REFERENCE WORK. Attorneys’ papers missing this research will not be accepted.

Roles

attorneys for United States: (2)

attorneys for Korematsu:(2)

Judges:     

Fred Korematsu

General DeWitt           

Due on the day of the trial

For attorneys: A two-page essay arguing your case. You must argue for or against the constitutionality of the executive orders and the ensuing laws. Assume that Korematsu broke the law – he does not contest that question – argue whether the law can stand. This paper may serve as the basis for your opening statements in class. Some outside research on the circumstances of the case will be necessary

For witnesses: A two-page essay in the form of an “affidavit,” explaining your position. You need not argue over the constitutionality of the law, just describe and explain your behavior.

Due the class meeting after the trial

For Justices: A one paragraph response declaring your opinion in the matter. Present your decision and explain how you came to it.

Procedures:

Meet with your group to review the caseOpening arguments. Attorneys must present a three-minute minimum argument before the court.

questioning of Korematsu (appellant first)

questioning of DeWitt (respondent first)

closing arguments

Justices deliberate

Each student will earn an essay (for the written work) and an oral presentation

grade (for in-class work).

Negative and Positive Liberty in American Discourse

What do Americans mean when they talk about "liberty"  or "freedom"?

lecture (10 min) on Isaiah Berlin's definitions of liberty (from "Two Concepts of Liberty")

NEGATIVE LIBERTY: freedom from restriction

“What is the area within which the subject – a person or group of persons –  is or should be left to do or be what he is able to do or be, without interference by other persons?”

POSITIVE LIBERTY: freedom to do

"What, or who, is the source of control or interference that can determine someone to do, or be, this rather than that?” 

show (15 min) quotations; students write in notebooks whether quotations represents positive or negative liberty

THOMAS JEFFERSON: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. — That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN: It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT: The first is freedom of speech and expression -- everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way -- everywhere in the world. the third is freedom from want -- which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear -- which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor-- anywhere in the world.

JOHN F. KENNEDY:  In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility—I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it—and the glow from that fire can truly light the world. And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you—ask what you can do for your country.

LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON: The “Great Society” rests on abundance and liberty for all. It demands an end to poverty and racial injustice, to which we are totally committed in out time. But that is just the beginning. The “Great Society” is a place where every child can find knowledge to enrich his mind and to enlarge his talents. It is a place where leisure is a welcome chance to build and reflect, not a feared cause of boredom and restlessness. It is a place where the city of man serves not only the needs of the body and the demands of commerce but the desire for beauty and the hunger for community. It is a place where man can renew contact with nature. It is a place which honors creation for its own sake and for what is adds to the understanding of the race. It is a place where men are more concerned with the quality of their goals than the quantity of their goods. But most of all, the “Great Society” is not a safe harbor, a resting place, a final objective, a finished work. It is a challenge constantly renewed, beckoning us toward a destiny where the meaning of our lives matches the marvelous products of our labor.

discuss (10 min) answers -- is there a trend? Are there changes over time?

converse (10 min)  do you prefer one or more of these forms or liberty? Can we have Johnson's and Jefferson's at the same time?